Recent behavioral work demonstrates that many people view low-status groups as less 'evolved and civilized' than high-status groups. Are these people using blatant expressions of dehumanization simply to express strong dislike towards other groups? Or is blatant dehumanization a process distinct from other negative assessments? We tested these competing hypotheses using functional neuroimaging. Participants judged ten groups (e.g. Europeans, Muslims, rats) on four scales: blatant dehumanization, dislike, dissimilarity and perceived within-group homogeneity. Consistent with expectations, neural responses when making ratings of dehumanization diverged from those when judging the same targets on the other related dimensions. Specifically, we found regions in the left inferior parietal cortex (IPC) and left inferior frontal cortex (IFC) that were selectively parametrically modulated by dehumanization ratings. The pattern of responses in the left IFC was also consistent with animalistic dehumanization: high responses to low-status human groups and animals, and lower responses to high- status human groups. By contrast, a region in the posterior cingulate cortex was parametrically sensitive specifically to liking. We therefore demonstrate a double dissociation between brain activity associated with judgments of blatant dehumanization and judgments of dislike.

Do prosocial corporate marketing messages promote consumers’ altruistic behaviors, or do they advance self-interested and self-indulgent actions? To answer this question, the current research investigates the impact of different framings of prosocial marketing messages on consumers’ behaviors and choices more generally. Results from six laboratory studies and a field experiment demonstrate that exposure to messages that praise customers for good deeds can increase subsequent self-interested and self-indulgent behaviors more than messages that publicize a company’s good deeds or thank consumers for their patronage. Our findings demonstrate the possibility that a temporary boost in one’s self-concept drives this observed effect. In addition, the recipient’s level of support for the issue praised for moderates the effect of customer-praise messages on the recipient’s less altruistic behaviors. The paper concludes with a discussion of the theoretical and managerial implications.

The literature addressing the interaction of social movements, organizations, and institutional change has flourished in the last twenty years. This chapter provides an overview of this literature and suggests areas for future development. We review the precursors of this scholarly area, how conflict within organizations can be viewed as a movement, and how movements affect individual organizations, fields of organizations, and institutions. Then, we discuss ways that movements influence organizations in ways not currently appreciated in the literature, such as how some movements by-pass conflict by recruiting elites. We suggest that scholars in this area expand their attention to include forms of political mobilization aside from the classical dynamic of challenger-incumbent confrontations.

Changing environments often expose organizations to institutional logics that are at odds with other logics that were imprinted into organizations in the past, giving rise to conflict. We specifically propose that prior institutional environments imprint organizational coalitions and governance systems – the organization’s polity – and that these polity imprints explain variance in organizational change processes in response to new logics. We argue that such polity imprints shape how different organizational groups construe their conflicting interests in relation to new logics, how they mobilize for and against changes emanating from these logics, and how the outcomes of group conflict become stabilized. To develop this argument, we identify four ideal types of organizational polities, based on differences in the centralization of authority and the unity of organizational elites. Each ideal type gives rise to a characteristic pattern of how organizations process the advent of new logics. Our analysis demonstrates the utility of conceptualizing organizations as open polities - political entities that interact with their external environment – and the importance of taking historically imprinted political features of organizations into account in studies of organizational responses to institutional complexity.

How do actors in positions of authority attempt to justify their right to rule while introducing controversial institutional practices that potentially delegitimate their authority? China’s reform leaders have found themselves in a legitimacy conundrum when they established and developed the stock market, yet have been able to assert a central role for the party-state in managing the stock market. Using a critical rhetorical perspective, we analyze how actors use “rhetorical genres,” that is, argumentation and narration with differing content and style, to construct new roles of the speaker and speaker–audience relationships that imply new bases of authority, and how these rhetorical genres can be conceptualized as “discursive spaces” that could accommodate contradictions in the rhetorical situations characterized by polarization in ideologies and interests.

Identifying fundamental drivers of science and developing predictive models to capture its evolution are instrumental for the design of policies that can improve the scientific enterprise—for example, through enhanced career paths for scientists, better performance evaluation for organizations hosting research, discovery of novel effective funding vehicles, and even identification of promising regions along the scientific frontier. The science of science uses large-scale data on the production of science to search for universal and domain-specific patterns. Here, we review recent developments in this transdisciplinary field.

Do cultural differences in emotion play a role in employment settings? We predicted that cultural differences in ideal affect—the states that people value and ideally want to feel—are reflected in: (1) how individuals present themselves when applying for a job, and (2) what individuals look for when hiring someone for a job. In Studies 1-2 (NS1 = 236, NS2 = 176), European Americans wanted to convey high arousal positive states (HAP; excitement) more and low arousal positive states (LAP; calm) less than did Hong Kong Chinese when applying for a job. European Americans also used more HAP words in their applications and showed more “high intensity” smiles in their video introductions than did Hong Kong Chinese. In Study 3 (N = 185), European American working adults rated their ideal job applicant as being more HAP and less LAP than did Hong Kong Chinese, and in Study 4a (N = 125), European American MBAs were more likely to hire excited (vs. calm) applicants for a hypothetical internship than were Hong Kong Chinese MBAs. Finally, in Study 4b (N = 300), employees in a U.S. company were more likely to hire excited (vs. calm) applicants for a hypothetical internship. In Studies 1-4a, differences were related to European Americans valuing HAP more than Hong Kong Chinese. These findings support our predictions that culture and ideal affect shape behavior in employment settings, and have important implications for promoting cultural diversity related to emotion in the workplace.

The city has proved to be the most successful form of human agglomeration and provides wide employment opportunities for its dwellers. As advances in robotics and artificial intelligence revive concerns about the impact of automation on jobs, a question looms: how will automation affect employment in cities? Here, we provide a comparative picture of the impact of automation across US urban areas. Small cities will undertake greater adjustments, such as worker displacement and job content substitutions. We demonstrate that large cities exhibit increased occupational and skill specialization due to increased abundance of managerial and technical professions. These occupations are not easily automatable, and, thus, reduce the potential impact of automation in large cities. Our results pass several robustness checks including potential errors in the estimation of occupational automation and subsampling of occupations. Our study provides the first empirical law connecting two societal forces: urban agglomeration and automation's impact on employment.

We investigated whether motivated reasoning rooted in partisanship affects the attributions individuals make about violent attackers’ underlying motives and group memberships. Study 1 demonstrated that on the day of the Brexit referendum pro–leavers (vs. pro–remainers) attributed an exculpatory (i.e., mental health) versus condemnatory (i.e., terrorism) motive to the killing of a pro-remain politician. Study 2 demonstrated that pro– (vs. anti–) immigration perceivers in Germany ascribed a mental health (vs. terrorism) motive to a suicide attack by a Syrian refugee, predicting lower endorsement of punitiveness against his group (i.e., refugees) as a whole. Study 3 experimentally manipulated target motives, showing that Americans distanced a politically-motivated (vs. mentally ill) violent individual from their ingroup and assigned him harsher punishment— patterns most pronounced amongst high group identifiers.

People perceive morality to be distinctively human, with immorality representing a lack of full humanness. Eight experiments examine the link between immorality and self-dehumanization, testing both (a) the causal role of immoral behavior on self-dehumanization and (b) the causal role of self-dehumanization on immoral behavior. Studies 1a-1d show people feel less human after behaving immorally and these effects were not driven by having a negative experience but were unique to experiences of immorality (Study 1d). Studies 2a-2c show self-dehumanization can lead to immoral and anti-social behavior. Study 3 highlights how self-dehumanization can sometimes produce downward spirals of immorality, demonstrating initial unethical behavior leading to self-dehumanization, which in turn promotes continued dishonesty. These results demonstrate a clear relationship between self-dehumanization and unethical behavior, and extend previous theorizing on dehumanization.

(ISBN: 9789813206847)

We explore the relationship between group-based egalitarianism and empathy for members of advantaged groups (e.g., corporate executives; state officials) versus disadvantaged groups (e.g., blue-collar workers; schoolteachers) subjected to harmful actions, events, or policies. Whereas previous research suggests that anti-egalitarians (vs. egalitarians) dispositionally exhibit less empathy for others, we propose this relationship depends on the target's position in the social hierarchy. We examined this question across eight studies (N = 3,154) conducted in the U.S. and the U.K., including online and in-person experiments and examining attitudinal and behavioral outcomes. We observed that (anti-)egalitarianism negatively predicted empathy for members of disadvantaged groups subjected to harmful situations, but positively predicted empathy for members of advantaged groups. This pattern held regardless of perceivers' own membership in advantaged or disadvantaged groups (i.e., perceiver gender, race, or SES). (Anti-)egalitarianism's differential effects on empathy for advantaged versus disadvantaged targets were due in part to differences in perceived degree of harm incurred (beyond roles for perceived value conflict and perceived deservingness): Egalitarians perceived the same action as more harmful than anti-egalitarians when it occurred to a disadvantaged target but less harmful than anti-egalitarians when it occurred to an advantaged target. We also explored how these patterns informed individuals' downstream policy attitudes and policy-relevant behavior (e.g., willingness to sign a petition). Our findings enrich understanding of (anti-)egalitarianism by testing competing perspectives on the link between (anti-)egalitarianism and empathy, and by demonstrating when and why individuals' preferences for social equality (vs. hierarchy) lead them to extend versus withhold empathy.

Research suggests that members of advantaged groups who feel dehumanized by other groups respond aggressively. But little is known about how meta-dehumanization affects disadvantaged minority group members, historically the primary targets of dehumanization. We examine this important question in the context of the 2016 U.S. Republican Primaries, which have witnessed the widespread derogation and dehumanization of Mexican immigrants and Muslims. Two initial studies document that: Americans blatantly dehumanize Mexican immigrants and Muslims, this dehumanization uniquely predicts support for aggressive policies proposed by Republican nominees, and dehumanization is highly associated with supporting Republican candidates (especially Donald Trump). Two further studies show that, in this climate, Latinos and Muslims in the U.S. feel heavily dehumanized, which predicts hostile responses including support for violent versus non-violent collective action and unwillingness to assist counter-terrorism efforts. Our results extend theorizing on dehumanization, and suggest that it may have cyclical and self-fulfilling consequences.

Choice is a behavioral act that has a variety of well-documented motivational consequences—it fosters independence by allowing people to simultaneously express themselves and influence the environment. Given the link between independence and analytic thinking, the current research tested whether choice also leads people to think in a more analytic rather than holistic manner. Four experiments demonstrate that making choices, recalling choices, and viewing others make choices leads people to think more analytically, as indicated by their attitudes, perceptual judgments, categorization, and patterns of attention allocation. People who made choices scored higher on a subjective self-report measure of analytic cognition compared to whose did not make a choice (pilot study). Using an objective task-based measure, people who recalled choices rather than actions were less influenced by changes in the background when making judgments about focal objects (Experiment 1). People who thought of others’ behaviors as choices rather than actions were more likely to group objects based on categories rather than relationships (Experiment 2). People who recalled choices rather than actions subsequently allocated more visual attention to focal objects in a scene (Experiment 3). Together, these experiments demonstrate that choice has important yet previously unexamined consequences for basic psychological processes such as attention and cognition. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved)

Although dehumanization research first emerged following the overt and conscious denials of humanity present in context marked by war and genocide, modern dehumanization research largely examines more subtle and implicit forms of dehumanization in more everyday settings. We argue for the need to re-orient the research agenda towards understanding when and why individuals openly see others as less than human. We review recent research in a range of contexts suggesting that blatant dehumanization is surprisingly prevalent and potent, uniquely predicting aggressive intergroup attitudes and behavior beyond subtle forms of dehumanization and outgroup dislike, and promoting vicious cycles of conflict.

As anthropologists study complex societies and large databases, we have to ask whether using demographic divisions within a population help or hinder our understanding of people’s cognition, particularly political cognition. Using a database of 1,283 interviews gathered in Mongolia in 1998 and 2003, the authors divide the sample population by the demographic categories of location, gender, education level attained, and age. We use network analysis to note differences in network structure and textual analysis to learn how Mongolians characterize democracy as they emerge from Soviet-style socialism. We find that even though Mongolians are a rather homogeneous society, people’s concept of democracy varies by demographic category. We conclude that because experience often varies with a person’s position in society, demography correlates with people’s perception of democracy and therefore remains a valid and helpful way to study the political culture of a population.

We show that the dynamic burstiness of word occurrence in textbook systems is attributed to the modularity of the word association networks. At first, a measure of dynamic burstiness is introduced to quantify burstiness of word occurrence in a textbook. The advantage of this measure is that the dynamic burstiness is decomposable into two contributions: one coming from the inter-event variance and the other from the memory effects. Comparing network structures of physics textbook systems with those of surrogate random textbooks without the memory or variance effects are absent, we show that the network modularity increases systematically with the dynamic burstiness. The intra-connectivity of individual word representing the strength of a tie with which a node is bound to a module accordingly increases with the dynamic burstiness, suggesting individual words with high burstiness are strongly bound to one module. Based on the frequency and dynamic burstiness, physics terminology is classified into four categories: fundamental words, topical words, special words, and common words. In addition, we test the correlation between the dynamic burstiness of word occurrence and network modularity using a two-state model of burst generation.